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£afet €!)arlt0 atafeapas 

{Cannibals) 

PERIOD 0/1817 TO 1820 
H H B E I a Q a 




Written by request for the Howard 

Memorial Library 

New Orleans 



By DR. J. O. DYER 

GALVESTON. TEXAS 



f 



COPYRIGHT 

Dr. J. O. Dyer, Galveston, Texas 

^,1917 



i 



lahc C{)arlr0 ^tafeapa0 

{Cannibals) 

PERIOD 0/1817 TO 1820 

Q Q Q F= 1 Q Q g 




Written hy request for the Howard 

Memorial Library 

New Orleans 



By DR. J. O. DYER 

GALVESTON, TEXAS 



COPYRIGHT 

Dr. J. O. Dyer, Galveston, Texas 

1917 



^ASS'lDf 



acl.A457951 

APR 16 1917 



Clje Xafee Cljarles (Calcasieu) :atafeapas 
or Cannibals of 1817-20 



In 1739 De Nouaille described a tribe called Apapapas or Atakapas, who resided on 
the seashore of Louisiana, and who lived mostly on fish. In the language of the tribal 
confederacy of the Caddos, and in the Choctaw the term of Atakapa was applied to 
coastal tribes of Louisiana and of Texas who were "man eaters." As, however, many 
other tribes were guilty of the same custom, it occurred to the writer that the name 
may have had a deeper signification. Similar climate and local conditions frequently 
cause clans or tribes although of different physical characteristics, of different racial 
stock, to adopt the same customs and habits. Thus we find the coastal (Gulf) Indians 
of Louisiana and Texas, the Atakapas, Karankawai, Coanas (Cujanes), the Co-coswai 
(Cokes), the Mai-a-wai and the Ar-ana-isa (Xaranemes) and even the Rio Grande Pa- 
ka-wai making use (especially in their names) of an ancient dialect; also they employed 
similar methods of cooking and preparing flesh by curing the same. They went 
bare-headed and bare-footed (being fishermen) and their religious and tribal customs, 
often very peculiar, frequently were not far apart. In 1815 'there were still a few 
Carancahuas (Karankawai) encamped at the moutli of the Sabine, who came in close 
contact with the Atakapa clan situated near the mouth of the Calcasieu River, which 
clan forms the object of this sketch. In races of ancient origin it is in the proper names 
(those determinative of person, of location, of religious rites or objects of veneration) 
that the language of a decadent nation survives the longest. Thus the Carancahuas in 
1817 still retained names in a language, as different from their neighbors, as they them- 
selves were in their physical appearance. Luckily the writer has been enabled to pre- 
serve about twenty or twenty-five names which he believes belonged to a very ancient 
tongue, because the words were mono-syllabic, of two or three letters each, and grouped 
in short sentences consisting of mostly nouns and verbs, with a few adjectives (other 
parts of speech being understood). The names derived from members of the Lafifite 
Commune and of Perry's buccaneer camp, who were thrown in contact with the 
Carancahuas for three years will be fully described in a work now nearly completed 
(the History of the Carancahuas). The vocabulary derived from Mrs. Oliver, who in 
1839 came in contact with the remnant of the tribe in Matagorda County, does not 
contain any of the old words, excepting in a few instances, and then with a different 
meaning. Dr. Gatschet, who got out this vocabulary, admitted that the words of the 
vocabulary had affinity with some of those of the Tonkawai, the Pakawai, and of tne 
Shetimasha of Southern Louisiana. 

In 1839 the chief of the forty or fifty people still called Carancahuas at Baca 
River, Matagorda County, was one Antonio, a half breed Tonkawai, (from a Caranca- 
hua mother) his wife being a Comanche woman. There were no full bloods in the 
tribe; the men having been exterminated in 1835 and the women captured by the 
Tonkawai. The clan was a conglomeration of outcasts from neighboring tribes, who 
kept alive by begging, stealing, and fishing, and their language in 1839, a jargon mostly 
of Spanish-English mixed with Indian dialects. 

In endeavoring to trace the origin of A-ta-ka-pa in the old dialect of the Caran- 
cahuas, we find the following: The shark— the buffalo of the coastal tribe— for it 
supplied skin, flesh, oil, sinews, bones, fins and bile, all of which integral parts found a 
use in the everyday life of the clan— was an object of sufficient importance to retam 
the ancient name "Hai-a," which translated means fish (Hai) and mouth (a) or more 
properly the fish (with a) mouth. As all fishes have mouths, the designation meant a 
significant mouth, a large one, or one capable of inflicting injury. In the Coke clan 
at Red Fish bar, Galveston Bay, the daughter of the head man was Ta-Ka (daughter of 
the chief) and her brother was a skillful harpoon thrower called Pa-ra-hai-a, which 
translated meant "throws (the) arrow (into the) fish (with big) mouth;" in short, the 
"Shark harpooner." From these two names by transposition of the words we can 



translate A-ta-Ka-pa as follows: "a" (pronounced as a guttural with the mouth open) 
is indicative how it became the term for "mouth;" "ta" meant daughter, "Ka" chief, 
and "pa" to throw. "(In the) mouth (of the) daughter (the) chief throws." To us 
such a sentence would be unintelligible, to the natives on the Gulf coast a century or 
two back it was the contrary, for they knew that which the chief threw in the mouth of 
the daughter. 

The chief as a rule did not bother witli the daughters (the females of the clan) 
except on certain ceremonial occasions. This happened whenever the victorious 
warriors captured a brave, swift or strong enemy; or killed one in combat. The body, 
stripped of certain portions of the flesh, was left on the field, but the human steaks, 
dried and smoked, were carried back to the camp. Before all others, the pregnant 
females were lined up, and the chief placed a morsel of the enemy's flesh into each 
mouth, expressing the sentiment that the unborn babes might acquire the particular 
attribute (of valor, strength, or fleetness), which of late was inherent in the body now 
partitioned. 

Having found the key to the words A-ta-Ka-pa, it may be of interest to note that 
the extreme western Texas tribe — the Pa-ka-wai's name can be translated to mean 
"throws (the) chief (to the) people." The neighbors of the coastal tribes, such as the 
Caddos and Choctaws, thus probably incorporated words of the old dialect into their 
language. 



It was in the year 1819, when an American officer entered the Lake Charles village 
of the Atakapas on a cold October day. Colonel Graham had been on official business 
at the Laffite camp at Galveston, and was making his way from Bolivar by land to the 
Vermillion Bridge. 

An attack of acute dysentery compelled Graham to spend a week at the village, and 
thus we have an interesting description handed down to us. (Graham became later 
associated at New Orleans with the writer's father.) The savages, who were the 
coastal clan of interior tribes, were of a very low type of civilization. They were dark 
skinned, with dirty, short, coarse black matted hair; their bodies stout, stature short, 
and heads of large size placed almost between the shoulders. The ears were very large, 
as were the mouths, and the cheek bones and nose prominent. Col. Graham thought 
they resembled the Orcoquisas, but they were much stouter and their necks shorter. 
Fish oil was used as a food, consequently they were extremely fat, and the custom of 
oiling their bodies added to the sleekness. In spite of their frequent presence in the 
water as fishermen, they were offensive to the sight and smell. However, they received 
Graham hospitably, and placed him in a vacant hut. This was extremely filthy, filled 
with vermin, and in one corner were the remains of human excreta; it's sides were made 
of poles interwoven with vines, and the conical top was open in the center to allow 
the smoke from below to escape; the fireplace of oyster shells (a mere pit) being in 
the middle of the dirt floor. Only one opening was provided, serving as door and 
window, and closed by a heavy hide suspended from a crossbar. 

The shaman took charge of Graham, and started in by giving him hot decoctions of 
a red root, so astringent that he said "he felt his insides pucker up." His bed was a 
slightly raised platform of drift wood, covered with moss and skins. A fire was kept 
up day and night and water poured on the hot oyster shells of the fireplace, keeping 
the hovel steaming hot. Graham said that the steam and the smoke from the fire 
and torches, kept him blind for days, and his skin shrivelled; however, he got well 
rapidly, but his diet was confined for some days to a broth made from shell-fish. He 
learned from the shaman, who talked some English, that his services were frequently 
required in the Mermenteau River settlement, and that he could cure most diseases, 
except the white man's disease (smallpox). He said that some years before a number 
of the clan had died, rotting away before his medicines could take effect. Several of 
the older members of the clan were pockmarked. The shaman would not reveal the 
name or the nature of the red root, saying that he learned from the Carancahuas the 



secret of curing by its means all bowel troubles. (This statement was undoubtedly 
true, for that tribe never suffered from the dyscnlcries that decimated the Bidai, 
Koasoti and Tonkawai.) 

The tribe were skilled fishermen, but their dugouts being frail, they never ventured 
into the Gulf for any distance. They did not use the bow and arrow to any extent in 
fishing, but depended upon darts and spears, which they were able to fling with 
unerring accuracy. Graham saw them hit (in tiie salt water lagoons connecting with 
the Gulf) small fish but ten inches long at a distance of twenty paces. The darts tipped 
with bone were used for short distances and floated, while the lieavier flint tip harpoon 
had a wooden floater attached to a thong, which enabled them to retrieve their 
weapons, as well as tire out a wounded fish. Flounders were speared by torch light, 
with a short-handled dart, tipped with a bundle of sharp fish bones. Flounders were 
cooked whole in a pit, the fish being placed one above the other. Wlien dried, they 
were split in halves, but the flesh was insipid, tough and stringy. Small fish of all kinds 
were dried by being impaled on reeds and smoked over banked fires. A fish with 
such oily flesh that Graham could not eat it (probably a menhaden) when smoked and 
salted became very palatable. These fish formed an article of barter with tribes of 
the interior, and were esteemed a delicacy by the Opelousas, who traded flints for 
them. This tribe (Atakapa) ate all kinds of shellfish; in fact, seemed to have no 
taboo-food. Oysters were obtained from the salt water lagoons, being dragged from 
the shell bottoms with rakes made of two strong poles, curved at the ends and inter- 
laced v/ith strong vines. The drag brought up clumps of live oysters, fastened to the 
shells of former generations. The old shells were always detached and thrown in 
the water, while the heaps of shells accumulating from oysters consumed were placed 
in a mound in the village, upon which stood the lodges of the head man and of the 
shaman. Graham, curious whether the dead were buried in the mounds, was 
told by the shaman that the dead and living could "not live together." Hence, it is 
presumable that the dead were placed, at first, in out-of-the-way places, in shallow 
trenches easily dug in the quicksand. The tribe had no cattle, horses, firearms or 
whiskey, and but few iron implements. Whilst Graham was ill his whiskey bottle 
disappeared, as did the buttons of his military cloak. These were probably adopted 
by 'the medicine man 

The tribe was far from the nearest settlement, hence their thieving propensities 
had not developed as fully as in later years. The dugouts were propelled by paddles 
and poles, and were clumsy logs, hollowed out and one end sharpened. 

Small lagoons, subject to tidal flow, were cut ofif by traps made of brushwood, 
in which the receding tide left behind numerous small fish. 

The shaman powdered dry roots or herbs in a wooden mortar and sprinkled 
the fine powder upon the surface of lagoons. In a few hours the fish rising to the 
surface were stupified and killed by a blow from the paddle. 



Col. Warren D. C. Hall visited the village several times in 1817, 1818 and 1819, 
as he made journeys by land from Bolivar to Calcasieu. 

■Col. Hall was with Commodore Perry, who first came to Bolivar in 1815, and 
Hall was the first white man to land on Galveston Island. He was born in Rapides 
Parish, La., studied law and medicine at Nacogdoches, and became a free lance in 
the various Texan revolutionary movements sequent to 1812. Later he figured in 
Austin's settlement, and finally aided in the 1836 revolution, when Texas secured 
independence. Hall from his boyhood associated with Indians in Louisiana, and 
later in life he made friends with the various tribes he came in contact with, the 
Atakapa, Carancahua, Toncahua, Kaosoti and Orcoquisa. His knowledge of Indian 
customs, and his observations of race characteristics, were accurate and reliable. 
After Perry lost his vessels in Galveston Bay, and Hall's men deserted, he made his way 
on foot to the Atakapa village to await supplies and new men. Early in 1817 the 
village contained forty miserable, dirty huts, the chief's and shaman's being on an 
oyster mound, and somewhat larger in size. They had no temple and no religious 
ceremonials, except the "chi" dance, which was patterned after that of the Caran- 
cahuas; likewise they had no food-taboos, which were so irksome to their western 
neighbors. The tribe, Hall likened to the type of the Toncahuas; men of short stature, 
large heads, dark skins, and prominent facial features of an unpleasant cast; especially 
noticeable were the high cheek bones and protruding lips. Whilst in many customs, 
such as hunting, fishing, cooking, dancing and others, the Atakapas followed the 
Carancahuas, rather than their kindred away from the coast, there was no racial 
affirity whatsoever, the Carancahuas being tall, slender, agile, light skinned, yellow 
haired, and with regular features and white teeth. The Atakapas used tobacco and 
whiiskey whenever able to secure it, and were actually willing to perform hard labor 



to satisfy their wants. Their teeth were stained from the various leaf substitutes 
thev used for tobacco. Head deformation, cuts on the nose and chin, and tatooing were 
noticeable, especially in the older members. They used the yaupon leaves as a bever- 
age but did not drink large quantities of the decoction, as was the case m the cere- 
monials of the Trinity River Indians. Possibly it was taken at certain seasons to 
cleanse the system The writer in a historical sketch recently published drew attention 
to a custom of some of the Gulf coastal Indians, which caused them to change their 
names either on the birth of a male heir, or upon the said heir becoming famous. 
The \takapas thus called themselves after their sons. An il ustration of this was 
secured by names of Indians who visited the Laffite camp. The Coke clan was but 
fifteen miles distant; and the headman, whose previous name was unknown, had some 
twenty years previously, when his first son was born, adopted the infant's name of 
Hai-a or Shark; he thus became Ka-hai-a, or father of shark. One day the young 
man dived below a twenty-foot shark and stabbed him to death with a bone knife. 
The feat caused the tribe to change the youth's name to Hai-a-wai, or shark-kiher, 
and the old chief promptly changed to Ka-hai-a-wai, or father of the shark killer. 
The term wa-i is of interest to ethnologists, because it really meant man, or people 
who kill or warriors. Thus the term "wa-i" was found as the terminal of many of 
the Gulf' coastal tribes, for instance Ka-ra-ank-wai, Tonk-a-wai, Pak-a wai, Mai a wai 
and Co-cos-wai, in each case meaning "warrior-people." The Atakapa, at the period 
mentioned, were gentle and timid, but undoubtedly the race had become decadent. 
The early 'French speak of their valor and propensity to devour the body of the slain 
enemy. 

From a trader who represented the Laffite Commune, we know that the last act 
of cannibalism committed by a part of the clan was previous to their removal to thf. 
coast. An old man stated that in his youth he belonged to the clan which lived near 
the Opelousas on the "Mermento" River. The Opelousas went to war with the 
Avoyels. because the latter refused to barter flints, which were plentiful in their 
country. Some Avoyels were captured then, and "made good eating." The storm 
of 1810 was very disastrous on the Gulf, and the Atakapas' huts and supplies were 
washed away. Some bodies of shipwrecked sailors at that time were washed ashore 
near the mouth of "Calcasieu." A council deliberated whether the bodies should be 
cooked for food, for food was scarce. The bodies were roasted in a pit, but finally the 
shaman gave it as his opinion that if the Atakapa were to eat the flesh of white men, 
their skin would become spotty. Albinism, somewhat prevalent and well known 
among Indians, was not considered a desirable possession, so the cannibal feast did 
not take place. At the time a hunter brought in an alligator's carcass, and thus the 
tribe escaped another calamity. 

From the Greek trader who commanded the Arabelle, one of the trading feluccas 
of the Laflfite camp, further habits and history of the clan at Lake Charles, at the 
period mentioned, were obtained. 

Nicholas, the sailor, ran away from Mytilene when a boy, joined the British 
navy, and at seventeen years of age was made a mate of the Jupiter at Charleston. 
He came with Jean Lafifite to Galveston Island in 1817, and went with him to Yucatan 
in 1820, when Laflite evacuated Galveston Island. Twenty-two years later Nicholas 
returned, and for half a century supplied the local markets of Galveston with fish and 
charcoal. Born in 1800, he lived the entire century. At eighteen years of age Nicholas 
married Or-ta, a Carancahua girl, who acompanied him on his various trading trips, 
and acted as interpreter. The Lafifite Commune found it more profitable to trade 
off merchandise captured in prizes than to send them to New Orleans or Baltimore, 
where the brokers or fences charged exorbitant commissions. Thus from the Ar- 
anemes in the west to the Mermenteau in the east of the Gulf litoral, the trade 
schooners kept plying, entering likewise the navigable rivers, some of which were 
already colonized by whites. Nicholas had picked up another Greek lad, a waif of 
Jewish parentage, who could read and write and thus acted as supercargo for the 
Arabelle. His name was Xenippe, and with the curiosity of his race, on the first 
visit of the Arabelle, managed to sneak into the shaman's hut in order to investigate. 
He was soon discovered by the shaman and knocked senseless. The shaman's hut 
was taboo to everyone, and a crucifix left some years before by a Catholic missionary 
was stuck over the doorway to "warn intruders away." Xenippe after this experi- 
ence kept aboard the felucca. He said the hut contained a lot of snake skins, feathers, 
fancy shells, and curiosities. In baskets on one side of the hut were human skulls 
and bones. This is mentioned, because it may have been the custom of the tribe to 
exhume the body, after some months, clean the bones, and pack them in a basket. 
The Koasoti exposed their dead on frames, and when cleaned by the birds, they were 
washed, placed in baskets, and stored in the "holy hut." The chief articles of baiter 
that the tribe offered were mil, moss and pinal. Mil were bunches of dried or siiK^ke.d 
small fish. The wor»v(Bs pro^blg o^French origin, being used jocularly " thousand 



in a bunch." The moss was gathered from the trees of swamps and was in Rreat 
demand on Galveston Island for mattresses and bedding. Pinal, probably a cor- 
ruption of piedernales, meant hard stones or flints. The Carancahuas took all the 
flints they could obtain by barter. 

Formerly they traded for flints with the Atakapa, rather than make a warlike 
or peaceable journey into the lands of the tribes to the north of them, such as the 
Wekoes, Ketchies and others of the Caddo Confederation. The Carancahua women 
were very handsome, and usually the trading trips ended in battles for the possession 
of the Carancahua squaws. The tribe owed its extermination to this, for even the 
white men of Velasco by their acts turned the peaceable, timid, giant Carancahuas 
into demons, spur.ed on by a blood-vendetta. 

The Atakapa of Lake Charles in their intercourse with the whites spoke the 
Caddoan dialect, though possibly they had their own tongue; a few of the words, 
especially those relating to fish and fishing, were identical with the ancient Caran- 
cahuan words. 

In 1819, on a visit by Nicholas, the mosquitoes were so fierce and plentiful that 
large brush fires were built. At that early date the people of the South associated 
the presence of so many mosquitoes with yellow fever. Col. Hall contracted the 
disease that year in Louisiana, where it raged fatally. Nacogdoches had some cases 
of vomito, but the Laffite camp escaped. 

The Atakapa were too lazy to tan skins of beasts or of large fish; their pottery 
was made by tribes to the north of them, except a few of the globular or conical 
oil jugs of the Carancahuas, so serviceable, fitted in cane frames, to the canoe voyager. 
The tribe furnished the Indians to the north with sharks' teeth, marine curios, dried 
or smoked fish, feathers and seaweed, esteemed as medicine. The plumes of the 
heron, crane and pelican, as well as of the wild geese, were especially in demand. 
The small breast feathers (eiderdown) attached to the skin, were obtained by in- 
serting small hollow reeds between the skin and flesh of the breast, and blowing air 
between them; these feather pelts were dried and prized for ornamentation by the 
Creoles. Birds were killed with small, blunt arrows to prevent the blood from stain- 
ing the white feathers. The infant was strapped to a piece of wet bark, which was 
bent to conform to the shape of the body. The head was left free, so that the mother 
could pick up the strapped bundle and hold it to the breast to nurse. The infant was 
removed from its cage twice daily, fresh moss being placed between the legs to 
absorb the natural discharges. 

Skull deformation resulted from the infant lying so much on its back, and the head 
resting on a hard substance, such as a piece of bark or hide. Col. Hall stated the 
deformation was unilateral, therefore not caused purposely. Women as wives were 
bartered for with other tribes, the men in the clan outnumbering the females. The 
tribe frequently picked up valuable wreckage on the coast, which they traded to the 
whites for whiskey; and whiskey or rum was the currency that always secured the 
wife; therefore, some women had new husbands at frequent intervals, especially those 
that were barren. The Atakapas did not fancy shark meat, but they specialized in 
alligator dainties. The saurian was speared in the eye, and disemboweled in the 
median line, where the skin is thin. Owing to the difficulty of cutting the horny 
hide, the carcass was left whole after gutting. Along each side of the spine a long 
trench was made by removing the flesh, and the belly skin was replaced and tied. 
The carcass was now placed in a pit of red-hot oyster shells, and covered with live 
charcoal. In a few hours the skin, though charred, still held the baked flesh and 
oil that had gathered in the trenches. This oil was served as a delicacy, and placed 
in jugs for future uses; an essential one was for body inunction, which kept off mos- 
quitoes and gnats, prevented the terrible "water sunburn" of the body, and lastly was 
believed to render the swimmer more buoyant. The alligator oil was used in their 
lamps; as torchwood was often scarce or wet. The lamp was a large shell containing 
a wisp of moss, curled into a wick. The smell was abominable. The whites of the 
Mermenteau used to place a small piece of sulphur in their fish oil lamps, which they 
claimed prevented smoke or odor (?) Col. Hall, who was versed, in Indian languages. 



stated that this tribe believed it came out of the sea, being cast up in large oyster 
shells, from which the first men grew. This tribe, however, was probably an inland 
one some centuries back, and the legend possibly borrowed frf)m the Carancahuas, 
with whom the oyster was taboo-food. Men that were eaten by men, and those that 
died from snake bite, were believed to be incapable of entering a second life, hence 
were eternally damned. 

The tribe, although careless of the young, was by no means desirous of race suicide. 
Procreation was encouraged and the man of family respected. The soon-to-become- 
a-mother was removed to a hut .set apart for the purpose and there attended by the 
old crones of the village; for no matter whether your old woman is black, white, red 
or yellow, she always delights to dabble in the offices of the lying-in chamber. 

Whilst the pregnant female was banished from the hovel of her "man," this red 
vagabond by custom was allowed to rest, or lay up for imaginary repair. In this 
clan, however, he escaped the fasting ritual, and anxious friends and relatives made 
the week pass pleasantly for him by providing an ample supply of dainties, such as 
alligator fat crisps, or raw shrimp. 

After 1819 the last record of the clan reached the writer through the agency of 
Mrs. Jane Long, wife of the buccanier chief. General James Long. After Long 
established himself at Fort Mina on Galveston Island in 1820, he sent for his wife 
at Shrevcport. The Atakapa's village was the place of meeting between her and an 
escort under Hall. The clan was described by Mrs. Long as being filthier even than 
niggers 

With a woman's aptitude she particularly noticed the ornaments worn, and the 
methods of the cuisine. The strong strap around the left wrist worn by the men, and 
sometimes by the women, found it's use as a knife sheath, to hold the weapon securely 
when the native was swimming and fishing. Flounders and other dry fish, when 
cooked, were larded with a piece of blubber from an alligator or large fish, the 
skewers used being long and sharp fish bones. Oysters in the shell were barbecued in 
a pit, and small fish were placed in the cavities of the large ones to be baked. The 
skirt of the women was very primitive. A skin was trimmed into circular shape; in 
its center a circular hole was cut, and the garment was slipped over the head and 
fastened around the waist with thongs. Mrs. Long was left late in 1820 at Bolivar 
in his old fort by General Long, when he went on his Mexican expedition. He left 
with her as companions a physician and his wife, for Mrs. Long was with child; also 
a small guard and a cannon in the fort. When General Long failed to return, Mrs. Long, 
declining to leave, was left by her companions with only a slave girl to care for her 
infant daughter. The winter of 1820 to 1821 was so severe that Galveston Bay froze 
over (which took place again in 1886). Mrs. Long finally learning of her husband's 
death, was taken by settlers to Austin's colony, and resided for half a century at 
Richmond, Texas. In the revolution of 18.36 Mrs. Long's brick outhouse stored the 
powder supply of the settlers of Austin's colony. 



The Atakapas after 1820 were soon surrounded by white settlements, and the 
remnant of the clan which had survived the smallpox, syphilis and tuberculosis, 
which always accompanied white civilization, was gradually amalgamated with the 
superior race. 

Late last century at Beaumont and in Orange descendants of the Atakapa clan had 
their residence. 






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